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Al Mawqea Post
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- Politics
- Al Mawqea Post
How Did Yemen's Houthi Group Handle the Israeli and American Bombing of Iran? And What Are the Implications? (Analysis)
Since Israel launched an offensive military operation targeting Iran on June 13, followed by United States intervention, the Houthi group—one of Tehran's key regional allies—has demonstrated clear and vocal support for Iran. This support included parallel military action—a move laden with implications that underscores the group's reaction to this pivotal regional event. The Houthi group's stance has manifested in multiple forms. First, through the positions of its leaders, their media statements, and speeches, including that of its leader, Abdulmalik al-Houthi. Second, through official communiques from the government the group represents, including its civil branch—the Supreme Political Council, the group's highest governing authority—and its military wing, via declarations from its military spokesman, Yahya Saree. This is in addition to the broader position expressed by the group and its organizational components. On the operational front, the group launched and claimed responsibility for military operations targeting Israel, coinciding with the reciprocal attacks between Tehran and Tel Aviv. The group was quick to condemn the Israeli attacks, deeming them direct aggression. It voiced solidarity and supported Iran's right to self-defense. On June 13—the very day of the Israeli bombing—Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, a member of the Supreme Political Council, announced his condemnation of the Israeli air operation, which Tel Aviv dubbed "Rising Lion." He described the strikes as "evidence of the Zionist enemy's barbarism and terrorism," according to a post on his X account. On the same day, the Houthi Political Bureau issued an official statement, which strongly condemned the Israeli attack, calling the strikes an act of "arrogance and blatant aggression." The statement affirmed Iran's "full and legitimate right to respond" and supported the development of its nuclear program, declaring that the group—"leadership, people, and army"—stands with Iran in confronting the aggression against it. The day after the attacks, the group's leader, Abdulmalik al-Houthi, appeared in a televised address affirming his group's full support for the Iranian response. He declared Yemen a full partner to Iran in this confrontation, warning that an "open-ended and ongoing war" could. The official Houthi position also emerged in remarks by the head of the Supreme Political Council, Mahdi al-Mashat, on June 16. He reiterated what he described as Yemen's official stance alongside Iran in its right to defend its sovereignty and deter aggressors, describing Israel as a "'rabid dog unleashed by America'" and warning that "American aggression" on Iran would have "major consequences," and that the targeting of ships would not be limited to Americans but would extend to all countries involved in the aggression. The Houthi group's position was further embodied in statements from its leaders. Hamid Assem, a senior figure in the group, stated that Sana'a stands with Tehran amidst "continuous coordination within the Axis of Resistance," and that they would "escalate their operations against Israel in line with the war's developments," according to his remarks to Al Jazeera Net. He affirmed their readiness to stand by Tehran and expand the scope of the engagement if necessary. Similarly, Mohammed al-Bukhaiti, a member of the group's Political Bureau, told Al Jazeera Mubasher that his group maintains "high coordination with Iran" and is "ready to support it in the confrontation with Israel." Bukhaiti went so far as to threaten to withdraw from the May 6 agreement with the United States, which was mediated by Oman and concerned the cessation of hostilities between the two parties, should America attack Iran. He hinted at the use of sea mines by Iran or Yemen if necessary "to completely close shipping lanes in our region." In statements published by Al Jazeera Net in English, he added that they would also target "American bases in the region," specifically those participating in the coalition against Yemen, such as in "Saudi Arabia and the UAE," considering that they are "still in a state of war with these countries." Regarding the position of the Houthi-affiliated government in Sana'a, it too issued a statement on January 24 expressing its support for Iran, following the American intervention supporting Israel in targeting Iran's nuclear facilities. However, the most prominent aspect of the Houthi response was its military posture. The group swiftly announced the execution of a "qualitative military operation" striking target inside Israel on the same day the attack on Iran was launched. It framed the operation as coordinated with the operations carried out by the Iranian army and the Revolutionary Guard against Israel, marking the second of its kind to be synchronized with Iranian strikes. On June 21, the Houthi military spokesman, Yahya Saree, preempted American raids on Tehran by declaring that any American attack supporting Israel against Iran would be met by targeting American warships and carriers in the Red Sea. He warned that the group's missile force would target its ships and warships in the Red Sea. He said, "The Israeli enemy is trying to remove Iran because it considers it the biggest obstacle to achieving its plan." Saree affirmed that "the battle with the Israeli enemy aggressing against Iran is the battle of the entire nation," stressing that they will stand "by any Arab or Islamic country that is subjected to Zionist aggression." Amid these declarations from the Houthi group, Israel initiated a new attack in Yemen. On June 14, news circulated of explosions in the vicinity of the Hodeidah port, with Arab media outlets suggesting that Israeli drones had targeted Houthi weapons depots. The group's response came in a statement from its military spokesman, who confirmed that "Zionist parties participated in a limited aerial aggression" and vowed to respond "at the appropriate time and place." On the same day, Israel announced it had carried out an offensive operation in the capital, Sana'a. Its media outlets reported that it had targeted a high-ranking figure in the Houthi-affiliated army, later identifying him as the Houthi Chief of Staff, Mohammed Abdulkarim al-Ghamari. However, the following day, the American newspaper The Wall Street Journal revealed that the Israeli raid did not target al-Ghamari, but rather Mohammed Ali al-Houthi, a member of the Houthi's Supreme Political Council, in Sana'a. The group has not issued any confirmation of the death of either figure. Israel's operation targeting Houthi leaders in Yemen was met with approval among Israeli circles. Noa Lazimi, a researcher at the Misgav Institute for National Security & Zionist Strategy in Jerusalem, wrote an article in The Jerusalem Post urging Tel Aviv to "continue to respond to Houthi attacks with firmness and determination, sending a clear message to the Iranians and their proxies alike that it is fighting a comprehensive war against the axis of evil. Tehran must understand that it cannot rely on its already faltering network of proxies to tighten the noose on Israel." She argued that Israel's operation against the Houthis, simultaneous with the attack on Tehran, holds strategic importance. It "demonstrates Israel's ability to operate simultaneously across multiple, even distant, fronts." It also highlights Israel's reach, extending even to senior leaders within the Houthi group, which she considered could "weaken the group's morale and slow the momentum of its operations, especially in light of the recent American withdrawal from the Yemeni arena, which the Houthis interpreted as a victory." From the beginning of the Israeli, and then American, bombing of Iran, the level of speculation in international political circles about the Houthis' position and their involvement in a war on Iran's behalf was clear. This was especially so given that they are the most organized and least affected among the factions Iran supports in the region, described by The Jerusalem Post as Iran's last resort. The focus was on questions about the extent of their participation in support of Tehran, how much they would risk by violating their agreement with America, their efforts to destabilize maritime navigation, and their resumption of attacks in the Bab el-Mandeb strait, which could have far-reaching consequences if Iran decided to close the Strait of Hormuz. The Houthi response was unequivocal: endorsing Iran, engaging militarily by attacking Israel, and threatening a return to maritime hostilities if Washington participated in bombing Tehran alongside Tel Aviv. However, when the United States did indeed attack Iran, the expected Houthi retaliation did not materialize. The group remained conspicuously silent, following an announcement by Trump of a halt to US-Israeli operations after Tehran's attack on Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar—a position welcomed by Iran. The Houthi response to the attacks on Iran underscores the group's alignment with Iranian policy. These attacks provided them with a greater opportunity to express their full position, demonstrate their resilience against the recent US-Israeli conflict they faced, and play a propaganda, media, military, and political role supporting the Iranian stance, affirming their function within Iran's axis of deterrence against Israel. Through these events over just 12 days, the Houthis managed to send several messages. Among them was the explicit expression of their declared alignment within Iran's Axis of Resistance, and the international legitimization and justification of the Iranian response, which indicates that this position from the group is a long-term strategic alignment. The group established its own narrative for the attacks on Tehran, viewing them as the price for Iran's support of the Palestinian resistance. It sent military signals that it is still capable of resuming maritime attacks, is indifferent to the American position, and has the capacity to return to maritime escalation or attack Israel. The statements of solidarity from Houthi leaders with Iran reflected a high level of coordination between them and Iran, which suggests they share intelligence and reinforces military support for any escalation. The group also spoke in a language of ideological loyalty consistent with Iranian rhetoric, reflecting both ideological alignment and internal cohesion that go beyond mere political alliance. Through their stance, the Houthis proved they remain an influential force, positioning themselves as a credible regional military and political actor. Their positions reflected their intolerance for Gulf states, specifically Saudi Arabia and the UAE, whom they view as permanent adversaries and do not hesitate to issue statements targeting them, based on the two countries' relationship with the international community, especially America. Overall, it can be said that the Houthi group's position on the attack on Iran was neither surprising nor transient. Rather, it comes within a complex regional strategy, expressed an ideological alliance and organizational cohesion, and sought to reshape regional deterrence dynamics. However, the group continues to face considerable threats, chief among them Israel's persistent effort to undermine the group's military strength. Important Background The Houthi group's relationship with Iran is deep-rooted, well-established, and clearly defined. It has become more entrenched over the past twenty years, taking on various forms and methods. It entered a new phase of openness between the two parties after the Houthis overthrew the capital, Sana'a, on September 21, 2014. This event later allowed the Houthis to take control of the Yemeni state and ally with former President Ali Abdullah Saleh against the military operations led by Saudi Arabia under the name "Operation Decisive Storm," with an Arab coalition, on March 26, 2015. However, this alliance between Saleh and the Houthis ended with them turning on and killing him on December 4, 2017, giving them sole control of power while maintaining a nominal facade of the General People's Congress party, which Saleh had represented in Sana'a. The war launched by Saudi Arabia against the Houthis gave them an opportunity to appear on the international stage, first through the failure to achieve a decisive military victory against them, then by engaging with them in consultations in several countries. This was followed by the development of their military systems and their initiative to launch attacks on Saudi territory. Saudi Arabia's and the UAE's management of the notoriously difficult and complex Yemeni file also played a role. They transitioned from leading military operations against the Houthis in Yemen to acting as a mediator between them and the legitimate government they support. They took concrete steps toward this rapprochement, including backing the removal of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi from power and replacing him with a Presidential Leadership Council on April 7, 2022, which made dialogue and negotiation with the Houthi group one of its top priorities. Saudi Arabia took practical steps toward dealing with the Houthis as a Yemeni party and component, not an enemy as was the case at the beginning of the war it launched. Omani mediation, driven by a Saudi desire to thaw relations between the Houthis and Riyadh, contributed to this, culminating in the first visit by the Saudi ambassador to Yemen, Mohammed Al Jaber, to Sana'a on April 10, 2023, accompanied by an Omani delegation, for the first time since 2015. However, the "Al-Aqsa Flood" on October 7, 2023, prevented progress toward peace and the anticipated roadmap with Saudi approval. This development followed the Houthi group's involvement in military operations supporting Palestinian factions and attacking Israeli and international maritime interests, which later prompted the US, UK, and Israel, either individually or jointly, to launch attacks on the Houthis in areas under their control within Yemen. The Relationship with Iran The Houthi group does not hide its relationship with Iran, just as Iran does not deny its relationship with the Houthis and their inclusion among the regional groups and allies that Tehran funds financially and militarily. This is evident from several indicators, including the Houthis' veneration of the Iranian revolution and their attempt to replicate it in Yemen, their direct military intervention alongside Tehran, and their transformation of Iran's religious and military leaders into symbols in the areas under their control. It is worth remembering here that Iran was the only country to send its ambassador to work from Sana'a and received an ambassador appointed by the Houthis in Tehran. A comprehensive exploration of the roots of this relationship and its multiple facets exceeds the scope of this piece. This relationship has expanded in recent years, with the start of the war launched by Saudi Arabia against them in Yemen and with the rapid developments in the region, especially the war in Gaza, in which the Houthi group has been heavily involved. They have joined with pro-Iranian factions in attacking Israel, either simultaneously or alone. On more than one occasion, the Houthis have expressed their support for Iranian policy and its defense, and they are now classified as one of its armed factions in the region.
Al Mawqea Post
10-06-2025
- Al Mawqea Post
Gold Mines in Hajjah: Open Graves Swallowing the Souls of the Innocent
In the rugged highlands of Hajjah governorate in northwestern Yemen, dozens of young men embark daily on a death-defying adventure in traditional gold mines. They dream of a handful of the precious metal to lift them from a life of misery, but at any moment, these mines can turn into open graves, swallowing their dreams and their lives. In a scene that embodies this bitter reality, six people were killed on Monday when a primitive gold mine collapsed in Jabal al-Manjam, in the village of Bani Raiban, Kushar district, Hajjah governorate. The pit they dug became a mass grave, revealing the grim face of unregulated gold mining in these forgotten mountains. Hajjah Governorate Police stated in an official announcement that the collapsed mine was operated haphazardly. The collapse led to the deaths of Mohammed Ali Hussein Raiban, Farouq Raji Saleh Raiban, Mohammed Hadi Sarhan Raiban, Ahmed Ali Hussein Raiban, Nasrallah Yahya Saleh Raiban, and Ramzi Ali Saleh Raiban. Ali Saifan Mujammal Raiban was critically injured. The police confirmed that the victims had been detained days earlier for illegal excavation and were released after signing a written pledge not to repeat the offense. However, according to the statement, they secretly returned to work. The Earth Split Open and Swallowed Them "It was as if the earth split open and swallowed them," says Ahmed Raiban, an eyewitness and local resident, speaking to Al-Mawqea Post. "We heard the sound of digging in the morning, and suddenly we heard a loud collapse. We rushed to the site, but the dust was thick, and the screams were muffled. It took several hours to retrieve the bodies of the victims." He adds with sorrow, "This is not the first incident, and it won't be the last unless this recklessness is stopped immediately. People here live on hope, thinking they will find gold and bid farewell to poverty, but they end up under the dirt." Great Dangers Primitive gold prospecting in Hajjah involves significant risks, including collapses, high mortality rates, environmental pollution, and health damage to workers due to the use of mercury in refining the yellow metal. Since the outbreak of the war and the deterioration of economic conditions in Yemen, dozens of unemployed young men have flocked to traditional mining areas in the Kushar and Aflah al-Sham districts. Armed with simple tools—shovels, pickaxes, and hoes—they hope to obtain a few grams of gold. "We go out every morning not knowing if we will return," says Hassan Ali, a man in his mid-twenties working in an unregulated gold mine in Aflah al-Sham district. "How many friends have we buried here? These pits swallow us like graves." Speaking to Al-Mawqea Post, Hassan adds, "We work for hours inside narrow, unventilated pits without any safety equipment. Every time we go down into the hole, we say we might not come back, but we have no choice. Poverty is harsher than fear." Suleiman, another worker in traditional mining in the neighboring Kushar district, said, "The danger is not limited to collapses. We face scorpion stings and snakes, and we travel in isolated areas where no one can reach us if something bad happens." Deadly Toxins The danger doesn't stop at rockfalls. Chemicals used in gold extraction, such as mercury, are used without regulation and can seep into groundwater, destroying the environment and leaving fatal health effects on humans. According to the World Health Organization, exposure to mercury poses a threat to the nervous, digestive, and immune systems and can, in some cases, lead to death. A local activist, who declined to be named for security reasons, says, "People here work in dangerous conditions. They inhale toxic dust and handle deadly chemicals like mercury without sufficient awareness. Children play near the mining sites, and women fetch water from contaminated wells." He adds to Al-Mawqea Post, "The entire area has become polluted. The taste of the well water has changed, and people complain of skin and respiratory diseases. Mercury is sold in grocery stores in plain sight and is used randomly while the state remains silent." Activists have called on official authorities in Hajjah to impose strict controls on mining activities, provide safety and rescue equipment, and offer economic alternatives for those searching for gold. Gold Fever The districts of Kushar and Aflah al-Sham in Hajjah are witnessing a wide proliferation of unregulated gold mines, dug by residents themselves without licenses. They use simple, primitive tools with no safety equipment or technical supervision. The number of active illegal sites in these two districts is estimated in the dozens. Most are discovered through traditional means, after which locals flock to them, repeating a dangerous pattern of "gold fever" that spreads in the absence of the state and the prevalence of poverty and unemployment. Workers in the artisanal mining sector in Hajjah rely on old hand tools amidst a lack of awareness and widespread ignorance among the majority of laborers, who have abandoned their agricultural lands to chase the lure of the precious metal. A Wasted Fortune The Aflah al-Sham district in Hajjah is home to Yemen's largest gold mine, the "Al-Hariga" mine, which was established by the Canadian company Cantex in 1996 after it discovered over 96 million grams of gold. The Al-Hariga mountain in Aflah al-Sham, where the largest gold mine is located, is part of a mountain range that extends to the neighboring Kushar district, whose mountains also contain large quantities of gold and other precious metals. The Geological Survey and Mineral Resources Board estimates the gold reserves in the Al-Hariga mine at 30 million tons, with a content ranging from 1 to 1.65 grams of gold per ton of gold-bearing rock. Despite the economic importance of this mine, it has not been exploited by the state or licensed companies. This has opened the door for locals to attempt to exploit it using primitive methods, which later led to the expansion of unregulated mining to include large areas like Kushar, Al-Abyssa, and other neighboring rural areas.
Al Mawqea Post
23-05-2025
- Al Mawqea Post
Yemen: Casualties and Losses in Ammunition Depot Explosion in Sanaa Amid Houthi Silence
Eyewitnesses in the Yemeni capital, Sanaa, reported numerous casualties and extensive material and human losses following the explosion of a weapons depot affiliated with the Houthi group in the outskirts of the city. Preliminary (unofficial) reports indicate that at least seventy people, including children, were killed in the explosion, which occurred at Khashm al-Bakrah military camp, located between the Sarf and al-Hatarish areas in the Bani Hashish district. Residents told Al-Mawqe Post those three consecutive explosions took place inside a hangar, with the third blast occurring in the basement of a residential building. The incident shook the densely populated area, causing significant destruction to nearby homes and resulting in numerous casualties. The exact type of weapons involved remains unknown, but local accounts suggest that the depot stored machine gun ammunition, mortar shells, and other explosives. Activists on social media circulated footage capturing the moments of the explosion, the panic of residents, and rescue efforts for the wounded. Other videos revealed the scale of destruction in the surrounding neighborhood. Sources in Sanaa told Al-Mawqe Post that the explosion in the building's basement killed at least three families, while the injured were rushed to Al-Jumhuriya and Police Hospitals. The Houthi group has not issued any statements about the explosion or its causes. The group has imposed a strict information blackout, swiftly cordoned off the area with a security perimeter, and began inspecting anyone entering or leaving the explosion site.
Al Mawqea Post
15-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Mawqea Post
First UN Plane Arrives at Sanaa Airport Days After Israeli Bombing
Authorities at Sanaa International Airport announced the arrival of the first United Nations flight just days after the airport was subjected to intense Israeli bombing, which caused extensive damage to many of its facilities and buildings. The plane arrived on Thursday morning following the airport's rehabilitation, according to the Director-General of Sanaa Airport, Khalid Al-Shayef. In a post on the X platform, Al-Shayef stated that the airport is now ready to receive flights and is expected to handle ten UN flights today. The airport was recently targeted by a series of Israeli strikes that caused widespread damage to its infrastructure and facilities, and also destroyed several Yemeni aircraft parked on-site.
Al Mawqea Post
06-05-2025
- Politics
- Al Mawqea Post
Yemen: Israel Launches Fiercest Raids on Several Targets in the Capital, Sana
Israel launched a series of airstrikes on the Yemeni capital, Sana'a, hitting around ten sites, according to Hebrew media reports. According to media outlets affiliated with the Houthi group, the strikes targeted the central Dhahban power station in Bani Al-Harith in Sana'a, the passenger terminal, civilian aircraft, and service facilities at Sana'a International Airport. The runways and control tower were also hit, along with the Attan area southwest of the capital, the central Haziiz power station in the Sanhan district, a power station in the Asr area, the Amran cement factory, and several fuel storage sites in different areas. Activists documented thick smoke rising from multiple locations across the capital. Footage also showed damage to aircraft at Sana'a International Airport, and smoke continued to billow for an extended period. Israeli media reported that the airstrikes rendered Sana'a Airport inoperable, with warnings that further attacks could follow. This marks the second time Israel has carried out air raids on Sana'a. The strikes came less than 24 hours after similar attacks on the coastal Hodeida governorate in western Yemen, which resulted in the destruction of a vital factory. The Israeli response escalated after the Houthi group launched an attack on Ben Gurion Airport, in what was described as the largest offensive the airport has faced in recent times. Authorities in Sana'a reported no human casualties from the latest round of strikes. These locations had previously been targeted by airstrikes from the Saudi-led coalition, followed by American, British, and now Israeli forces.
